Wednesday 29 May 2013

OAU nurtured dictators across Africa

This is an unedited version of an article that was published on Wednesday, May 29, 2013, by the Times of Swaziland under the ''As I See It'' column.
By Vusi Sibisi
Last weekend African leaders descended on Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, to celebrate 50 years of the founding of the Organisation of African Unity, which played a significant role in the continent’s struggle for liberation from colonialism.
 
The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was replaced by the African Union (AU) at the dawn of the 21st century, a significant milestone that also should have heralded a new era of renewal and, by progression, an era of hope and actualization. But ultimately, was the OAU as successful as it is made out to be and was therefore befitting to be celebrated in the manner and scale it was in Addis Ababa over the weekend? Better still, has liberation from colonialism transformed into real political freedom for the rank and file of the people of Africa?
 
Paradoxically Africa, under the watch of the OAU, became synonymous with coups d’état, tyrants and tyranny, dictators and dictatorships, poverty and disease.
 
As I see it, yes, the OAU did deliver uhuru on the continent but that is as far as liberating the continent from colonialism is concerned. But for millions of Africans political independence remained, and still remains, a mirage. Liberation from colonialism merely signaled the changing of the guard wherein the departing colonial masters were replaced by indigenous regimes that were by far oppressive relative to the former colonizers. Attesting to this fact is that many of the institutions - including oppressive laws - that were exclusively created by the colonial masters to keep the natives in their place largely remained intact in post-colonial Africa and were routinely used and abused by the new indigenous leaderships to oppress their people.
 
To this day this continent is punctuated by pockets of countries where a host of colonial laws exclusively created to oppress the indigenous peoples remain in force. A typical example of these is, of course, the Kingdom of eSwatini, which still has remnants of offensive colonial laws in its statutes such as the notorious Public Order Act of 1963 that was recently unleashed during workers May Day celebrations. The import of this law was and is to deny civil liberties to the indigenous population and, as can be expected, it is still used exactly for that purpose to this day notwithstanding that this country now has a constitution that contains a comprehensive Bill of Rights guaranteeing all civil liberties.
 
For many millions of Africans across the continent liberation from colonialism has meant very little because they remain under bondage of a new kind from their own leaderships. The promise of a new dawn in which everyone would be equal before the law and to pursue a life of happiness and fulfillment has remained just that, a promise that has never been fulfilled. The shortcoming of the OAU was its inadequacy in correcting or vilifying errant post-colonial African leaders who became worse dictators than their departed colonial predecessors.
 
Civil wars and mass butchering of people perceived to be opposed to the leadership of the day became the order of the day. Post colonial African leaders controlled their economies as their exclusive private domains such that they, and their cronies, became wealthier while their nations were ravaged by a vicious cycle of poverty and disease. Unfortunately this remains the case to date in some of those countries that have become islands of dictatorship in a sea of democracy.
 
Seemingly the OAU was impotent to do anything about the rot visited by degenerate leaders. But then again who was the OAU but the very leaders who so much cherished political power to the extent of making themselves indispensable on the grounds that their nations owed them a debt for having led them to liberation from colonial power. Sovereignty was the simple defence they would use to defend their excesses, abuse of political power and persecution of their own in the event anyone enquired of their actions.
 
Is it not ironic that the seat of the OAU remained in Ethiopia even under one of Africa’s worst dictatorships under Emperor Haile Selassie and long after his deposition by yet another tin-pot dictator in Mengistu Haile Mirriam, last known to be holed in Zimbabwe under the protection of that country’s president Robert Gabriel Mugabe? Significantly, while leaders of dictatorial regimes amassed and shipped untold wealth abroad, the continent transformed into the world’s worst basket case irrespective of its massive resources, surviving on handouts from erstwhile colonial masters and the rest of the world. Not surprisingly, not much has changed even under the new order of the AU. The culture of democracy has remained rather elusive to this day with no cogent turn-about on the part of the renewed continental body to isolate and bring to order errant leaders that are cancerous to Africa’s collective conscience.
While sovereignty remains a licence for errant leaders to rule their countries as their private fiefdoms, these leaders often defend themselves and their legacies by pointing fingers elsewhere, particularly on former colonial powers, for their failures. Talk is always about the need to develop strong intra-African trade, including the processing of the continent’s vast raw and natural resources, especially minerals, to add value. However, there is little happening practically on the ground to suggest any seriousness and commitment on the part of our leaders. In the meantime they are in the forefront in facilitating ship-loads of natural resources being exported elsewhere often for their own benefit while the majority of their people are left to scavenge.
As I see it, the economic development of the continent can only materialize through real political independence of the people from the common enemy, which is dictatorship. This is the challenge facing the AU in the next 50 years, liberating Africa from African dictatorships instead of playing the blame game on former colonial powers. The power is within Africa to make it happen for Africans but this would require a resolute and selfless leadership and active participation of the people who have largely remained voiceless and insignificant stowaways in their own affairs. 
 
 

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