This is an unedited version of “As I See It”
column article published by the Times of Swaziland on June 26, 2013.
By Vusi Sibisi
The announcement last week of the
convergence of Sibaya sometime next month by the acting traditional Prime Minister
Timothy Velabo Mtetwa, otherwise popularly known as TV, has started a feeding
frenzy on the rumour machine given the unpredictable nature of Swazi politics.
Yet with the constitution now in tow
nothing of Swazi politics should remain unpredictable, especially since an
unpredictable environment is not conducive to achieving national crucial
national imperatives such as economic development and social cohesion but a
nemesis of capital. And without capital, particularly foreign direct
investment, little or nothing of national developmental initiatives would see
the light of day.
Personally I was not surprised by the
announcement coming as it did in the middle of the election season primarily
since it is expected that His Majesty King Mswati III will dissolve the current
government to give way for the election of a new one. Understandably the new
constitutional order has not taken root given the fact that this is the second
national elections to take place under the new national charter hence rumours
are bound to fly all over since the people are not yet in sync with their
constitution.
But with or without the constitution, Swazi
politics are always mired in mystery and secrecy. And eight years after the
adoption of the national charter nothing seems to have changed. Over the years
prior to the introduction of a constitutional regime the convening of Sibaya
became synonymous with the changing of the guard at Hospital Hill, when the
incumbent prime minister would be replaced by another Dlamini man. That was the
nearest Swazi politics came closest to predictability.
Although the constitution dictates that
Sibaya, or the People’s Parliament, which it describes as the highest advisory
and policy making body, should meet at least once a year, this has not been the
case since the national charter was adopted as the supreme law of the land on July
26, 2005. Contrary to the constitution, the nation has only been summoned on
two occasions, first when parliament was dissolved in 2008 to give way to
elections and second when the new prime minister was appointed after the
elections.
Significantly Sibaya was convened last year
when the Kingdom of eSwatini was battered by a multitude of problems especially
on the labour front headlined by the teachers’ so-called “Waya Waya”
(indefinite) strike over salary increment demands that at one stage threatened
to spill over to parents and students. It turned out that that was one Sibaya
never to be forgotten in the annals of modern day history of this the Kingdom
of eSwatini. The occasion was a milestone and charted new ground with its
radical tones on the governance and political future of the Kingdom, a far
departure from the well choreographed praise singing of past events during
which only blind loyalists strategically placed across the cattle byre would be
picked to make contributions.
Besides the people calling on the
dissolution of the Cabinet over its failure to deliver as expected coupled to a
number of disastrous decisions, such as Cabinet Ministers, including Prime
Minister Sibusiso Barnabas Dlamini, granting themselves prime crown land in
Mbabane at highly discounted prices to the infamous Circular No. 1 of 2010, which
guaranteed lucrative but substantively unsustainable exit packages for
politicians at the end of their term this year, they also wanted to directly
elect the next prime minister. Never before had the authority of BaKaNgwane been
challenged in such fashion - and from within their stronghold of the Ludzidzini
Royal Cattle Byre to boot.
Additionally, the people also wanted the
unpopular Circular No. 1 to be reviewed or set aside and the teachers’
grievances to be addressed and the summary dismissal of striking teachers to be
reversed. It is almost a year later since that historic Sibaya yet the people’s
recommendations, with the exception of the reversal of the summary dismissal of
teachers who had participated in the “Waya Waya” strike, and have still not
been implemented.
Paradoxically, instead of Cabinet Ministers
being showed the door they were rewarded with medals for a job well done during
this year’s King’s birthday celebrations commemorated in Siteki, a
move that was tantamount to cocking a snook at the people’s voices at Sibaya.
Given that it is already late in the day there is also no likelihood that the
controversial Circular No. 1 will be reviewed before the dissolution of
parliament, for which Sibaya will be exclusively convened. With elections
already in progress there are no indications that the people will also get to
elect their prime minister, at least not this time around, because this may
impact on the constitution requiring an amendment thereof.
So, in all earnest last year’s Sibaya may
not have happened at all because just about everything the people prayed for
pretty much remains unchanged.
As I see it, BaKaNgwane must have agonized
over the decision to convene Sibaya when they know that they have not lived up
to the expectations of the last Sibaya but have been forced by circumstances.
Indeed it is an embarrassment to a political system that has prided itself on
being unitary in which the voice of the nation is the fundamental principle
upon which the country is governed that now BaKaNgwane are forced to face the
same nation and try to hoodwink it on their failure to live up to the letter
and spirit of the constitution – govern by and through consensus. After all
what good is it that the constitution touts Sibaya as the supreme advisory and
policy making organ of state yet the leadership refuses to listen to the voices
of the people.
As I see it, had an enabling legislation to
breathe life into Sibaya been created that would address its processes, etc.,
that I alluded to previously on this column, there probably would be no need to
summon the nation for the specific purpose of dissolving parliament. This
objective can be achieved through a legal instrument probably derived from this
or any other legislation. Had this been achieved the one Sibaya that matters in
an election year would be for the appointment of the incoming prime minister.
That would save the country a lot of inconveniences some of which directly
impact on the economy in lost man hours in both the public and private sectors.
Perhaps one may be downgrading the value of
the slated Sibaya where probably the dissolution of parliament will not be the
only issue but the other would be for the tabling and adoption of last year’s
Sibaya report and resolutions. Could be, but not necessarily important now that
that report has largely been overtaken by events. But again in the realm of
Swazi politics nothing is impossible even if it against the grain of the
national constitution.
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